“We are not only the future, we are the present,” says a young man named Clinton on a street in Lusaka, Zambia. “But are they listening to us?”
“There is no Cameroon anymore,” says Jean David Blot in Douala. “We have to rebuild everything. Everything.” He is part of the grassroots movement “The Okwelians.”
“If you want to run for office, that is great,” says student Mbayo Akiri in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. “But there are certain systems that ensure that certain types of people do not get beyond a certain point.”
They represent a trend that can be felt across Africa: A young generation, motivated and full of ideas, wants to make decisions and create change — but is confronted with the limits of a system maintained by a small, often aging elite. Opportunities seem few. Is democratic participation a dead end, or are there new paths? These are the questions DW explores in a mini-series featuring reports from five African countries.
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When voting no longer helps
Africa is a young continent. According to the data platform Worldometer, the current median age is 19.5 years — meaning that around half of all people living in Africa are under 20. In 2023, of roughly 1.5 billion Africans, more than 870 million were under the age of 25, while only 53 million were 65 or older.
How young Africans view democracy was examined by researchers Christine Hackenesch and Godfred Bonnah Nkansah in a meta-study for the interdisciplinary “Megatrends Afrika” research initiative, which was funded by the German government. Using survey data from the platform “Afrobarometer” collected over several years, they identified a trend: Young people in Africa are increasingly less likely to go to the polls.
“Young people are disillusioned with their governments,” Bonnah Nkansah told DW. “They feel that it would not make much difference whether they vote or not.” The credibility of elections and electoral fraud are perceived as major problems among young people: “There are ruling parties that bypass constitutions in order to remain in power.”
But they are not willing to simply accept this, says the researcher from Ghana’s Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Centre: “The data shows that young people are increasingly exploring alternative ways of political influence — for example through protests.” These protests are taking place on the streets of Africa’s major cities — and in the digital space, where people organize through social networks.
Kyle Findlay, co-founder of the digital consulting firm Murmur Intelligence, approached the issue from a different angle. The South Africa-headquartered firm analyzes activity on social networks — including in the context of elections. One conclusion he draws from numerous analyses: “People in Africa no longer rely on democracy as strongly as they used to. Of course, there are differences depending on the country, but the perception is that democracy in Africa has not consistently delivered the desired results.”
The desire for change and the escape into the digital world
When democracies fail to create better living conditions for people, when they suppress freedom of expression, frustration grows — as does the desire for change.
As the government of President Samia Suluhu Hassan increasingly cracked down on social openness in Tanzania, many people took to the streets. For student Mbayo Akiri, this represents a clear break with culture: “We were raised with this idea of not questioning authority. When a person in authority speaks, you listen.” But that has changed. “We are not known for protests. Our neighbors are, but we are not.”
Akiri welcomes the change — but it also scares her. She doesn’t participate in the protests: “There are ears everywhere. And you never know who will be next.” She does not mean this as criticism, she adds — it is simply how the government operates. “But I think our lives could be better.”
In reality, the Tanzanian government’s crackdown has made demonstrations almost impossible. Resistance has increasingly moved online.
According to Nkansah, the virtual space offers numerous possibilities — especially when it comes to spreading political information or mobilizing people. “Social networks seem to be a good way to amplify shared concerns. I talk about unemployment there, another person picks it up, and suddenly it creates, for example on X, a wave.”
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Young Africans are networking beyond borders
Many people in Tanzania now only express themselves anonymously. Diaspora figures such as musician Wakazi use their public profiles to draw attention to issues such as corruption or restrictions on civil rights. They also highlight cases where people who express criticism disappear. Activists in East Africa have shown solidarity with the struggles of people in Tanzania.
A look at Africa’s history shows both the potential of this kind of networking and its limitations. The first major example emerged in 2011 with the Arab Spring, also known as the Facebook Revolution, says Bayreuth sociologist Joschka Philipps. Since then, similar patterns have repeatedly appeared — for example when Congolese activists in 2015 drew inspiration from protests in Senegal and Burkina Faso.
“There are new resources or new repertoires that youth movements can use,” Philipps told DW. “On the other hand, this is also always the point where movements become vulnerable. States and governments have learned to use social networks as well to identify different protest leaders and then silence them.”
This observation aligns with the analyses of Murmur Intelligence. One example is Uganda, where a popular musician has grown into the role of opposition leader. “Bobi Wine has fought an incredible battle for 10 years. But in the most recent elections, we saw that President Museveni and his camp adopted all the methods from this young technology movement,” says Findlay.
Understanding complexity with patience
Are democratic movements at risk of running out of momentum in this way? Not necessarily, says sociologist Philipps — and he calls for more patience.
“The fact that these states have colonial origins remains highly relevant today. The way democracy was supposedly promoted from the Global North was itself actually an anti-democratic construct.” This created systems that did not serve the wider population. In a paradoxical way, even young people who today support military leaders such as Burkina Faso’s junta leader Ibrahim Traore and his anti-Western rhetoric can be seen as a sign of democratic empowerment.
Amid these complex realities, people in different African contexts are searching for new paths — and practicing patience.
“Digital democracy may not create change in real life,” says Akiri. “But in our hearts, we are changing. And if we get the opportunity, maybe we will do things differently.”
The grassroots activists of The Okwelians in Cameroon, where 93-year-old President Paul Biya is now in his eighth term, also know they need endurance.
“If we want to heal and rebuild, it is important that we educate the next generation to become visionary leaders who serve others,” says Doris Ngum. That is why she is one of many activists who visit schools. Her message: “Do not wait for the government. You are the change!”
Elisabeth Asen (Douala), Imani Luvunga (Dar es Salaam), and Kathy Short (Lusaka) contributed to this article.














